世界银行经济评论(2016/No.3/第30卷)
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六 结论

我们选择将关注点放在印度比哈尔邦,其原因是比哈尔邦是印度最为贫困的邦之一。如果该计划运行良好,那么在该邦内的计划参与率就比较高,但事实并非如此。实际上,比哈尔邦是全国劳动福利制度计划中参与率最低的邦之一。虽然比哈尔邦的重要性很突出,但是我们不能将比哈尔邦的情况推广到全印度。

我们的结果表明,在这一背景下,劳动福利制度的参与者并非全部来源于未就业者。许多报告放弃的收入,虽然大多是很好的工作收益机会但低于市场工资。平均而言,大约1/3的劳动福利制度工资率都被放弃了。该计划还产生了管理成本和物资成本,大约占到预算的40%。

计算所有的成本因素,我们发现来源于这一大型劳动福利制度计划的额外收益,相对于基本的收入保证——向每个人提供相同资金的统一转移支付,或者向所有持有政府发放的定量供应卡的贫困家庭统一转移支付——对于贫困的影响要小一些。我们主要的定性结果对过高估计放弃收入的可能性是十分稳健的,对于在更大范围内的贫困线的选择也十分稳健。转移计划中资金流失的程度是一个关键的未知数。当我们为转移计划预设20%的资金流失率时,我们关于比哈尔农村就业保证计划相对于其他转移支付选项所起的效果的主要结论同样成立,尽管如果资金流失率很高,劳动福利制度将开始占有优势。

很明确的是,即便在这样一个贫困的劳动力过剩的农村经济体中,这种通过施加工作要求而达成的过于高估的自我定位机制并不能使得天平向效果不佳的劳动福利制度倾斜,而不是选择很少或没有任何目标定位以及有资金流失问题的劳动福利制度项目的现金转移支付计划。

在实践中,是否能够对这一计划进行改革使其更好地发挥作用呢?这样一个计划很难控制放弃的收入。规定的工资率和收到的工资之间的差距可能会减少。有利于穷人的改革也可能会降低该计划大量的工作需求。可以通过提高公共信息和更为灵敏的供应端来实现上述目标;德塔等人(2014)明确了一系列具体的改革。这些改革将加大对贫困的影响,包括对私人劳动力市场工资产生更大的影响。那么对于贫困更大的冲击将以更大的公共预算成本为代价。我们需要在更高的融资水平上,对性价比进行再次评估。

改革的第二个方向就是确定劳动福利制度是有效的——创造的资产对于穷人是有价值的(或非贫困的受益者可以收回成本)。持久资产的创造并没有引起计划倡议者和/或管理者的很多注意。这需要改变。本研究的结果表明,如果创造的资产对于穷人有足够的价值,那么劳动福利制度计划将优于提到的现金转移支付计划。

然而,我们应当指出两种认证。第一,需要存在一种权衡。满足更多的工作需求,未必能够确保这些资产确实具有持续的价值。应对这样一种权衡的公共选择应当基于降低当前与未来贫困的权重。第二,可以使用现金转移来帮助创造资产,也就是通过激励贫困家庭中儿童教育和健康护理来改善人力资源积累;然而,要使第二条路径能良好运行,这些服务的交付系统的有效性是至关重要的。“资产创造劳动福利制度”的性价比需要与此类有条件的现金转移支付进行对比。

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